December 2022

Unsurprisingly, the Chinese media debate on the wider Mediterranean region was dominated by discussions on Chinese President Xi Jinping’s trip to Saudi Arabia between December 7-10. Besides paying a state visit to the Kingdom, Xi also attended the first China-Arab States Summit and the China-GCC Summit. As such, the Chinese President met leaders from Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Palestine, Egypt, Sudan, Iraq, Morocco, Algeria, Lebanon, and other Arab states. Moreover, Chinese and Saudi firms signed 34 investment deals in green energy, information technology, cloud services, transport, construction and other sectors reportedly valued at USD 30 billion.

Chinese commentators spared no effort emphasizing the significance of Xi’s trip. For instance, the head of the China Institute of Contemporary International Relations’ Middle East Institute Niu Xinchun wrote that the trip signals the beginning of “Sino-Arab relations 4.0.” [1] During the first two phases that lasted from 1949 to 1978 and from 1978 to 2013, respectively, great power competition and energy were the main drivers of the relationship between Beijing and Arab states. During the third phase (2013-2022), trade relations expanded beyond energy through the “1+2+3” model to include nuclear energy, space and renewable energy as key areas of cooperation. Finally, Niu argued that this new 4.0 phase is characterized by cultural and political ties growing to match the importance of trade and investment. Other commentators, on the other hand, mostly considered investment projects and energy trade issues (in particular the emerging conditions for the “petroyuan”) as the main results of Xi’s visit. [2]

Niu also mentioned a number of Chinese security-related initiatives and peace plans. Similarly, Niu Song, a researcher at Shanghai International Studies University (SISU), wrote that the three summits are the beginning of a new phase of China’s “great power diplomacy with Chinese characteristics” in the Middle East, which is developing in the context of “the GCC, composed of six Gulf Arab monarchies, having become increasingly dominant in the Arab world.” [3] In another article, he also wrote that “in the new era, China pays more attention to Saudi Arabia’s special status and important role in China-Arab relations and in China's engagement in the Middle East.” [4] That said, others also pointed out the importance of other non-Arab countries like Turkey, suggesting to keep an eye on Ankara as its evolving relationship with NATO reflects a broader change in Western countries’ influence in the region. [5]

Regarding what is behind this change, Niu Xinchun explained that “Since the end of the Cold War, the Middle East has experienced an era of American dominance. For a long time, the United States was the ‘dominant player’ in the Middle East security field, leaving little room for China. At the same time, American and European companies monopolized the upstream industries of the Middle East’s economy, making it difficult for China to participate [economically] as well. China imports large amounts of Middle Eastern oil, making energy security the focus of China’s Middle East policy. The ‘contraction’ of the US’ Middle East strategy, the global energy transition, and the accelerated pace of economic reform in the Middle East are behind an unprecedented and comprehensive transformation of the region. The common values and shared interests between China and the Arab world are gradually expanding, and Arab countries are urgently looking for partners beyond the United States.” [6] A similar opinion was expressed in the People’s Daily by Dong Mangyuan, a researcher at the China Institute of International Studies, who stated that “both China and the Arab states are developing countries, sharing the same development aspirations and the same dream of rejuvenation.” [7] This idea of shared values was also at the center of an article on the construction by China State Construction Engineering Corporation of the Central Business District project in Egypt’s new administrative capital. [8]

Related to this, Chinese media outlets praised the development policies enacted by Arab governments, in particular those of Saudi Arabia. Many articles quoted Chinese and foreign commentators extolling Riyadh’s focus on development, its independent foreign policy and the country’s bright future. For example, Li Weijian, a senior expert at SISU, described Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates as champions of a new state-building effort in the Middle East that, supported by the growing populations of the region, will bring renewed economic development. [9] The Global Times, in an article dedicated to Saudi Arabia, also noted how “in order to get rid of dependence on the oil economy, Saudi Arabia is promoting the long-term development of the country through a series of methodical ‘Saudi-style reform and opening up’ policies. The changing Saudi Arabia is also playing an increasingly important role in international affairs. ‘Investing in the future’ and ‘looking eastward’ have become the general trend in Saudi Arabia.” [10] Finally, the magazine Global People published an article on the Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, describing him as an “alternative” Saudi leader and the undoubtably positive role that he is playing in his country’s transformation. [11]

That said, it seems that Saudi Arabia has not surpassed Qatar in the eyes of Chinese commentators. Niu Song, for example, pointed to China’s relations with Doha as evidence for Beijing’s desire to maintain balanced relations with all GCC countries, rather than favoring solely Saudi Arabia. [12] Other Chinese experts praised Qatar for leading the economic transition away from relying on oil and natural gas revenue, as well as its role as a regional mediator and host of major events. For Chinese commentators, it is this skillful diplomacy that has allowed Qatar to weather the diplomatic confrontation with Saudi Arabia and emerge as a diplomatic heavyweight. [13]

Moving on to other countries, we finally found what appears to be the first articles published by Chinese media on the situation in Iran. China Business Network interviewed SISU’s Han Jianwei on Iran’s mandatory headscarf law. [14] Han made no reference to the protests that have been rocking the country since 22-year-old Mahsa Amini’s death in September. However, the article mentions how there is significant popular demand for that law to be changed. Han added that “cultural reforms” are not the only thing that the Iranian people want as the economy is also collapsing. Outside Mainland China, Hong Kong China News Agency interviewed Fan Hongda, another expert at SISU. [15] He emphasized how revising or repealing the headscarf law will be seen as a concession to the protesters. He also explained that the reason why this issue has become more complex than in other countries in the region is the combination of Iran’s more conservative customs and its greater economic difficulties. Neither Han nor Fan expressed opinions on the future direction of Iranian politics and stability.

Chinese media also discussed Israeli politics. The Paper published an article tellingly titled “There is no far right, only more right?” [16] The authors, SISU’s Liu Zhongmin and Wang Lixin, expressed opinions that broadly overlap with those of commentators and experts outside China: the new Benjamin Netanyahu-led government represents an unprecedented rightward shift for Israeli politics. While balancing the governing coalition’s many personalities and parties will be an issue for Netanyahu, he can at least rely on shared positions on many key domestic and foreign policy issues. Liu and Wang therefore foresee Israel’s relations with its neighbors worsening, as well as rising tensions and clashes with Palestinians.

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