July 2023

Like June, July was not a particularly eventful month for Chinese coverage of the wider Mediterranean region. The prevailing theme within the commentaries by and interviews of Chinese analysts revolved around the growing importance of the Middle East, especially of the Gulf, at both the regional and global level.

Those arguing in favor of the region gaining increased international relevance point to two main pieces of evidence. The first is the influence of Gulf sovereign wealth funds. [1] While rising interest rates in Europe and the United States have limited the presence of Western capital around the world, Gulf countries are instead eager to find new investment opportunities and, at the same time, use their funds to support their diplomatic ambitions. Quoting The Economist, the Global Times refers to the Gulf as being the “banker of the world.” Against this background, China Institute of Contemporary International Relations’ Niu Xinchun and Zhejiang International Studies University’s Zhou Lie argued that Beijing has much to gain from this phenomenon, especially as policymakers from both China and the Gulf have made efforts to strengthen economic relations beyond energy.

The second piece of evidence are the numerous visits by foreign leaders to the Gulf. [2] Among these visits, a notable one was that by Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, which was the subject of an Global Times article by Shanghai International Studies University’s Ding Long. [3] According to Ding, Kishida’s primary objectives were to secure oil supplies and strengthen cooperation in the realm of renewable energy technologies. Nonetheless, Ding also believes that Kishida’s Gulf trip could likely be in reaction to China’s growing influence in the region, especially since the Saudi Arabia-Iran talks in Beijing. While the scholar is of the opinion that China has no reason to interfere with or hinder the development of Japan-Gulf relations, he however warns Tokyo that if it attempts to join the United States in trying to contain Chinese influence and companies in the Gulf, or instigates the United States or India into exerting pressure on China while reaping the benefits, China’s ambivalence would quickly change.

This concept – the growing importance and autonomy of the Middle East – also serves as the lens through which the visit of Abdelmadjid Tebboune, Algeria’s President and Minister of Defence, to Beijing is being analyzed. [4] While highlighting particular facets of the bilateral relationship, particularly the role of Chinese construction companies in Algeria and the two countries’ historical reciprocal support during the Cold War, the reports emphasize the broader context within which Tebboune’s visit is taking place: ever expanding South-South relations. Unsurprisingly, there is no reference to Algeria’s domestic economic and political situation.

Algeria is not the only country in the region with which China is strengthening ties. As emphasized by a journalist from the Shanghai Observer, Wang Yi’s visit to Türkiye – the only non-African country he visited during this recent diplomatic tour – is noteworthy, especially given that it occurred right after Erdogan’s (unexpected) electoral victory in May. [5] As highlighted in past issues of the ChinaMed Observer, Chinese commentators were pleased by the outcome of the Turkish elections, seeing it as positive for the continued development and stability of Sino-Turkish relations.

Benjamin Netanyahu’s recent declarations that he might travel to Beijing are, in the eyes of Chinese commentators, a further sign of the changes taking place in the region. Niu Xinchun implied in a Global Times article that the Israeli Prime Minister’s statements should not be considered simply as a byproduct of the worsening relations between Israel and the United States. [6] Rather, they should be “critically seen against the background of new developments in the geopolitical situation in the Middle East. A series of new changes have enabled Netanyahu's visit to China to transcend bilateral relations and have regional and even global political significance.” The changes in the region, however, are not only pushing Tel Aviv’s foreign policy to evolve. Israeli domestic politics has also been shaped by these changes, according to Yang Yang, director of the Israel Studies Institute of Shanghai International Studies University. [7] According to Yang, societal cracks are widening in Israel and becoming more serious as the external environment improves, thereby decreasing the need to show unity in the face of a threat.

Against this background, it is interesting to read one of the articles published by Liu Zhongmin in his regular column in The Paper. [8] Liu argues that the barycenter of the Middle East’s economic and political foreign relations is in Asia. The region is increasingly “Asianized.” Hence, China should look at it as part of what used to be called “Western regions,” together with Central Asia and South Asia. He argues that Chinese scholars and policymakers need to think in terms of “Great Asia” (with the Middle East being part of it under the name of “West Asia”). Otherwise, he warns, it will be difficult for Beijing to seize fully the opportunities, or tackle the threats, that emerge from those growing ties and connections.